It looks like the extraordinary lack of violence during the 17 days of the people’s insurrection in Egypt was not simply an accident.

Dalia Ziada, a long-time human rights activist and blogger, was one of these core activists. A few years ago, she came across an American comic book from the 1950s that told Martin Luther King’s story. Inspired by the success of King’s nonviolent tactics, she translated the book into Arabic and published it in print and online.

“MLK was only 29 years old when he launched his campaign and motivated the whole Afro-American community,” Dalia told me. “When people learned about MLK and Gandhi success stories they realized they can do it here too. We have the power to turn our dreams into real tangible facts.” Ziada distributed thousands of print and digital copies of the comic book to her fellow organizers, who took not only inspiration but instruction from the persistence and tactical sophistication of the civil rights movement.

TheNation

I’ve been struck by how very little we know, and how little has been reported, about what has actually gone on in Tahrir Square.  As anyone who has ever been part of a large demonstration, much less a long occupation, knows that without organization things can turn to hell in minutes.  Anarchic self-organizing often arises as problems become apparent.  People take on tasks, point out necessary work to others.  Work-teams form up.  People get food, bring it in, help distribute it.  Toilets and water must be set up.  First aid stations.  Warmth and shelter may be needed. Dispute resolution, even forced exile become necessary.

If the event is more than a few days, the spontaneous necessarily becomes institutionalized even if still with pure volunteers.  One of the best accounts of this is in the novel Beijing Coma.  The story of the weeks in Tiananmen Square prior to the June  1989 massacres, is written of, in some detail.  Who gets, who operates and who controls the loud speaker systems?  Whose voices get heard?  When rumors run of the army forming around a corner, who decides what response should be made? Who stands watch?  How are emotions interpreted and controlled?

[As a side note, I'd sure like to be a fly on the walls of Chinese democracy organizers, and the leadership of the Communist Party right now.  I read that all references to Egypt have been filtered out of Internet data streams in China.  Five will get you ten that there is plenty of hope stirring right now in certain quarters, and fear in others.]

All this works a lot better if a core group of organizers has been through the drill before.  Before anyone has to pee, someone knows that bathrooms will be needed; he may know who to call, or which public building to point people to.  A friendly doctor or nurse is called and Red Crescent/Cross banners are hoisted.

I don’t know for sure, but I strongly suspect, there was a lot of such work going on, even if only in hope, in the months before the current demonstrations broke out.  The Nation article citing knowledge of Martin Luther King, Jr and the US Civil Rights movement, and not just as a personality but an organizer,  is one hint.

Another line of likely organizers comes from the Kefaya movement that sprang up following the US invasion of Iraq, and that of the April 6 movement which, out of a moribund Kefaya, went public to support workers in 2008.

In an interesting and even ironic way, the resistance in Egypt can be traced back to President George W. Bush and the war in Iraq. Protesting against Bush’s violent means of spreading democracy, a loosely formed group organised the largest demonstrations in Egypt’s history around the March 20, 2003, invasion. They eventually became known asKefaya, meaning “Enough.” Adopting the mission to bring down Mubarak and restore power to the Egyptian people, Kefaya held regular protests that called for the end of the emergency law, more freedom for the Egyptian people, and better handling of the economy – essentially similar demands to those heard in Tahrir Square today. After heavy activity in 2004 and 2005, the movement fizzled due to apparent conflicts between the Islamic and liberal activists.

Out of Kefaya grew the April 6 Youth Movement whose members and affiliates played an integral role in this year’s #Jan25 demonstrations. The group formed in order to support workers in the industrial town of Mahalia al-Kubra during an April 6, 2008, strike, organising primarily through a Facebook group. Inheriting from Kefaya the lofty goal of displacing Mubarak, the group swelled to 70,000 young, highly educated and generally affluent activists by 2009.

Adam Clark Estes on Business Spectator, from Salon

[More on Kefaya here, and interestingly here, from Rand, the National Research Defense Institute.]

In fact, an organizing manual, which came out of the April 6 group, appeared during the days of the Tahrir Square events.

You can see a translation here.

It will be very interesting to learn in the coming days, and hugely important to the future of Egypt, how organized these unknown folks are.  How strong are their bonds to each other, and their commitment to the stated goals of freedom and democracy.  Mubarak’s adbication, however promising a sign, is also a signal of the enormous inertia of the Egyptian Army.  He did not step down because his feelings were hurt that so many didn’t like or appreciate him.  He was finally forced out by his own army who made the analysis that such a social movement had, and was already having, a sizable impact of its own businesses.  The Egyptian army has its tentacles in commercial enterprises throughout the economy.  A good portion of its upper echelons have direct, personal interest in maintaining their own income streams.

In order for the uprising to get a foot hold into the governing system we have to hope there is not only street smarts and long-term wisdom but a cadre of people — other than the Muslim Brotherhood– who can go toe-to-toe with entrenched interests, understand what the key concessions should be and have a committed following to back up the bargaining with street demonstrations, strikes, slowdowns and other visible and measurable public support.

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